Reading :: The Myth of Organizational Culture

 The Myth of Organizational Culture: How Leaders Misunderstand the Role of Paradigms and Power

By J.W. Traphagan

Until he retired last year, John Traphagan and I taught together in UT’s Human Dimensions of Organizations MA program. I really liked working with him because he is unfiltered in a way that I don’t allow myself to be, and was thus very entertaining. For John, I’m pretty sure there are no sacred cows, so he had no compunction against disparaging ideas he thought were useless. 

One idea that he reliably and loudly disparaged was the idea of organizational culture. (In fact, this became an in-joke among members of some of our cohorts.) Now, in this accessibly written book, written for the public (I suspect he had our HDO MAs in mind), he lays out his argument against this idea. And he’s pretty convincing.

In Chapter 1 he argues that corporations do not make up a culture in themselves. Rather, they are embedded in larger cultural flows (p.9). A corporation might instead have an organizational paradigm — “a broadly recognized framework used for identifying what constitutes achievement or success and determining what are accepted and acceptable modes of practice for members of an organization or institution” (p.12, his emphasis). This paradigm is shaped by at least one ideology: “a largely coherent system of ideas and beliefs that rely on a set of basic assumptions people use to give those ideas legitimacy” (p.13, his emphasis). He warns that people often mistake organizational paradigms for organizational cultures. But, he warns, organizations can fail because “leadership often doesn’t clearly see when an organization’s way of doing things is poorly aligned to the larger cultural context” (p.18). 

In Chapter 2, he defines culture more precisely, a necessary step for having a better discussion (p.25). Culture, he concludes, is not a thing but a process: an ongoing improvisation within parameters (pp.48-49). Organizations, on the other hand, are conglomerations of various subgroupings and individuals who have overlapping interests and ideas (p.32). When an organization posts and promotes values, people in the organization interpret those values, bringing their own ideas to bear. It’s simply not possible for everyone to hold exactly the same values (p.37). 

In Chapter 3, he further argues why organizations don’t have cultures. Organizations, he says, reflect a larger culture rather than being cultures in themselves. so “The organizational culture concept reduces a complex process to an overly simple property of organizations that does not reflect reality” (p.67, his emphasis). 

Chapter 4 goes into organizational ideologies and paradigms, while Chapter 5 goes into the question of power in organizations, specifically power as a productive force. Chapter 6 addresses promoting organizations by understanding power. 

In Chapter 7, he advocates cultivating an anthropological mindset — that is, understanding identity in relation to self and other, which he says is central to any organizational research (p.140). And finally, in Chapter 8, he argues that an organization is not an object but a process (p.144); good organizational paradigms show awareness of the larger cultural contexts in which they operate (p.154).

Overall, I really enjoyed this book. It’s written accessibly, bluntly (of course), and with a deep anthropological understanding of organizations. If you’re interested in how organizations operate, but haven’t been able to use more precise language than “corporate culture,” I highly recommend it. 

Reading :: Listening to Beauty

 Listening to Beauty: Rhetorics of Science in Sea and Sound

By Megan Poole

We hired Megan in my department a couple of years ago, and I’m really happy we did. This year, she published this book on beauty in science — specifically, how “encounters with beauty advance scientific discovery,” as the back of the book puts it. 

Megan takes deep dives into different cases via interviews and experiences. In Chapter 2, she interviews Katy Payne about her discovery that humpback whales were singing. In Chapter 3, she takes up Payne’s discovery that elephants communicate infrasonically, interviewing the head scientists of the Elephant Listening Project. In Chapter 4, she interviews marine biologists Laura May-Collado and Michelle Fournet about how human noise (boat motors, offshore drilling) stresses marine mammals. 

Through each of these evocatively written case studies, she argues for the value of listening, and for attending to beauty, in the sciences. This is a welcome addition to the rhetoric-of-science literature. If you read this literature, or even if you just appreciate the beauty of nature, I highly recommend it.

Reading :: Deliberating Ghana

 Deliberating Ghana: Postcolonial Rhetorics, Culture, and Democracy

By Stephen Kwame Dadugblor

It was my privilege to serve on Stephen Dadugblor’s dissertation committee and see the stellar dissertation he produced, a dissertation that focused on Ghana’s close 2012 election. This election’s results were disputed, and Dadugblor drew on a cultural rhetorics approach to examine some of the ways in which that dispute played out: In court cases, in forms that declared poll results, and in social media. The dispute wasn’t just about this election, it was about postcoloniality in Ghana.

That dissertation, heavily revised, became this book. I highly recommend it. Through concrete examinations of the dispute, Dadugblor explores the tensions of postcoloniality in Ghana, tensions that are played across genres, media, court proceedings, and other concrete encounters. But it is not just about Ghana, as Dadugblor concludes that Western democracies must also decolonialize (p.132). 

If you’re interested in cultural rhetorics, genre, decolonialization, or just good case studies of communication, I highly recommend this book. I’ll be returning to it as I continue to think through genres in terms of cultural heritage. 

Reading :: Academic and professional discourse genres in Spanish

 Academic and Professional Discourse Genres in Spanish

Edited by Giovanni Parodi

Parodi’s work was recently recommended to me by the editors of a collection for which I am coauthoring a chapter. I had been dimly aware of his work, but reading this 2010 book got me up to speed in a hurry. Although it’s technically a collection, each chapter was authored by Parodi either solo or with coauthors. Analyzing the PUCV-2006 corpus, a 60-million-word Spanish-language corpus, the authors perform a sociocognitive genre analysis with a multi-dimensional perspective: social, linguistic, and cognitive.

As a work of applied linguistics, this book is not in the genre tradition in which I operate. I’m in the genre-as-social-action tradition of Miller, Bazerman, Russell, and others, tracing back to Bakhtin and Voloshinov. In this tradition, we tend to see genre in sociological or sociocultural terms, as regularized actions in complex social systems, and thus we tend to examine genre use in situ through observations, or how people interpret genres via interviews. Parodi is in the sociocognitivist tradition, with Swales, Hyland, and Bhatia, examining genres as “communicative instruments” that ultimately are constructed in individuals’ minds (p.21) — “genre knowledge, which is both socially and individually constructed, is stored in the form of cognitive representations” (p.22). This tradition emphasizes corpus linguistics. 

From Parodi’s view, Bakhtin’s concept of genre is “exclusively contextualist” and yields “theoretical and methodological reductionism” (p.22). In contrast, he says, his sociocognitive approach takes account of the dialectical interrelationships among linguistic structures, cognitive representations, and psycholinguistic processing (p.24). 

With this background in mind, Parodi defines genre as “a constellation of potential discourse conventions, sustained by previous knowledge of the speakers/writers and listeners/readers (stored in the memory of each subject), based on contextual, social, linguistic, and cognitive possibilities and/or constraints. This sociocognitively constructed knowledge is operationally codified using highly dynamic mental representations. … genres are not static entities but are in fact highly dynamic …. These groups of linguistic-textual features may be identified by means of a corpus description” (p.25). He later summarizes: “Most essentially, genres are cognitive constructs” (p.35).

With this background, Parodi considers the corpus. To identify discourse genres, he and his collaborators use criteria and variables such as relation between participants, modalities, communicative macro-purpose, discourse organization mode, and context of circulation (p.42). These criteria and variables yield to genre classifications that are (for the lack of a better word) lumpier than what I would expect, with some exceedingly broad categories (“law,” “lecture,” “report”) next to narrower ones (“medical order,” “bidding specification”) (pp.47-57). Parodi ends up taxonomizing the genres in the corpus.

Overall, the results were really interesting, but they also reaffirmed to me that I am in the genre-as-social-action camp — I really want to see how people use, interpret, and live ecologically with the genres they produce and interpret. Still, Parodi’s approach unlocks other insights. If you’re interested in genre and/or corpus linguistics, certainly take a look.

Reading :: Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact

Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact

by Ludwik Fleck

I’ve been meaning to read this book for a decade, and it’s been sitting on my bookshelf for perhaps a year. But I have been reading some literature about concepts lately, and realized that this book would need to be part of those readings. So when I finally got to a break in my reading schedule, I picked it up, expecting to slog through it. 

Instead, I found a highly readable book that takes the question of developing scientific facts quite seriously. As Thaddeus Trenn says in the preface, this monograph was originally written in 1935 and published with a scant 640 copies, “of which about 200 were sold,” and “indeed, the first published reference to his monograph since the 1930s seems to be that of Kuhn in 1962” (p.xviii). Nearly a lost work, this monograph found a new life in the sociology of science and technology (SST) in the 1970s. 

To me, the book reads as if it had been written in the 1970s. It sounds a lot like SST works that came out at that time and a little later (Shapin, Schaeffer, Woolgar, Latour, Bazerman), following the same basic methodology of examining how scientific concepts change over time through subsequent texts. I’m not sure whether Fleck heavily influenced these texts or whether those texts found Fleck newly relevant because his text resembled theirs — but in any case, the method of investigation was familiar, leading to insights that accorded with what I understand of SST.

In the Prologue, Fleck lays out what’s at stake: “What is a fact?” He answers that “A fact is supposed to be distinguished from transient theories as something definite, permanent, and independent of any subjective interpretation by the scientist.” Epistemology critiques how facts are established, but, Fleck says, epistemology tends to focus exclusively on “well-established facts of everyday life, or those of classical physics” (p.xxvii). He sets off to examine how empirical facts originate, focusing on a “recent” fact: “the fact that the so-called Wasserman reaction is related to syphilis” (p.xxviii). 

In Chapter 1, he examines how the modern concept of syphilis originated. After all, in the 15th century, it was unclear whether a single disease existed (p.2). At that point, the first idea emerged: syphilis was distinguished by spreading from the genitals, and this meant to astrology-based science that it was influenced by the sign of Scorpio (p.2). “Astrology thus contributed its share to the firm establishment of the venereal character of syphilis as its first ‘specific difference’” (p.2), followed by religion’s treatment of syphilis as “a punishment for sinful lust” (p.3). Thus “the stigma of fatefulness and sinfulness was imprinted upon syphilis” (p.3) and became a lasting part of the concept. 

The second idea evolved from nascent medical practice involving pharmaceuticals: syphilis, along with other skin diseases, could be treated by mercury — unlike other venereal diseases such as gonorrhea (pp.3-4). This second idea developed side by side with the first one, and they eventually mingled (p.5). 

Fleck concludes that the fact of syphilis itself emerged from these ideas that we would today consider fallacious; he urges us to pay “attention to the cultural-historical dependence” of epistemic choices (p.9). 

Two other ideas also contributed to this scientific fact. The third idea is that of syphilis as a pathogenetic disease entity — i.e., focused on “the mechanism of the pathological associations” — including foul humours. The fourth idea is that of syphilis as a special etiological entity (p.11).

Eventually, the Wasserman reaction redefined syphilis, created the discipline of serology, and yielded an effective etiological concept of syphiology (p.14). “This completes the present-day (!) definition of syphilis” (p.14). Fleck concludes that the development of the concept of syphilis is incomplete in principle, constituting a transformation from earlier understandings (p.19).

In Chapter 2, Fleck argues that “Concepts are not spontaneously created but are determined by their ‘ancestors’” (p.20). Just as we would not study anatomy without embryology, we should not study “epistemology without historical and comparative investigations” (p.21). Nor can we just rely on phenomenology (p.21)!

Thus, we must study proto-ideas, which influenced the development of scientific facts despite often being based on prescientific ideas (such as astrology) (p.23). The Wasserman reaction, he says, “constitutes the modern, scientific expression of an earlier pre-idea which contributed to the concept of syphilis” (p.23). “Can epistemology blandly ignore the fact that many scientific positions developed from proto-ideas which at the time were not based upon the type of proof considered valid today?” (pp.24-25), he demands. “Proto-ideas must be regarded as developmental rudiments of modern theories and as originating from a socio-cogitative foundation” (p.25). These are “‘mutations’ in thought-style” (p.26). Further, he says, cognition is the result of social activity (p.38), emerging from a “thought collective” or “a community of persons mutually exchanging ideas or maintaining intellectual interaction” and which “provides the special ‘carrier’ for the historical development for the historical development of any field of thought, as well as for the given stock of knowledge and level of culture” (p.39, his emphasis). He identifies three factors involved in cognition: “the individual, the collective, and objective reality” (p.40). 

In Chapter 3, Fleck finally tells us what the Wasserman reaction is. I’ll just skip to his point, which is that without a preexisting, prescientific idea of a change in syphilitic blood, there would be no Wasserman test and no serology (p.77).

In Chapter 4, Fleck defines a scientific fact as “a thought-stylized conceptual relation which can be investigated from the point of view of history and from that of psychology, both individual and collective, but which cannot be substantively reconstructed in toto simply from these points of view” (p.83). He describes the mechanism of the scientific experiment in these terms, noting that “cognition modifies the knower so as to adapt him harmoniously to his acquired knowledge” (p.86). He argues that “the general aim of intellectual work is therefore maximum thought constraint with minimum thought caprice” (p.95). and he concludes that a fact arises through (1) a signal of resistance in chaotic initial thinking, leading to (2) a definite thought constraint, yielding (3) a form to be perceived (p.95). Truth is thus a stylized solution: not subjective or relative, but “an event in the history of thought” that is “stylized through constraint” (p.100, his emphasis). And a fact is “the signal of resistance opposing free, arbitrary thinking” (p.101). 

The book ends with a biographical sketch. Fleck earned his medical degree in 1922 and specialized in bacteriology, heading the bacteriological and chemical labs of the State Hospital in Lvov, Poland (p.149). His research work centered on typhus. This book was published in 1935 in Switzerland because conditions did not allow a Jew to publish in Germany at that time (p.150). During the German occupation of Lvov, Fleck was compelled to produce a typhus vaccine for the German armed forces. After divulging the procedure for obtaining the new vaccine, in 1943, he was sent to Auschwitz, where (under duration) he continued to produce the vaccine. In 1944, he was transferred to Buchenwald, where he was again compelled to produce it. Buchenwald was liberated in 1945, and he returned to Poland (p.151). Finally, he was able to emigrate to Israel with his wife in 1957 (p.152). 

Overall, I found this book to be a fascinating, exciting, and highly rewarding reading. Fleck writes clearly and confidently, providing a valuable sociological account that grapples with concepts as culturally and historically emergent, and thus conditioned by (or guided by, or originating from) prescientific ideas. For me, it served a useful contrast to the line of thought that travels from Hegel to Vygotsky to modern-day commentators such as Blunden, in which scientific concepts are sharply distinguished from complexes and pseudoconcepts, emerging through dialectic to yield more accurate and defensible understandings of the world. Fleck doesn’t deny that the modern concept of syphilis is more useful for investigation and more tractable to treatment, but he understands this concept (and other scientific concepts) as pragmatic in relation to current thought and practice, rather than closer to reality in an absolute or objective sense. 

I’m sure I’ll be returning to this book to think about concepts further. If you’re interested in concepts, or just the sociology of science in general, I highly recommend it. 

Reading :: Learning Skilled Trades in the Workplace

 Learning Skilled Trades in the Workplace

By Jo Mackiewicz

On p.1, Mackiewicz provides this book’s goal:

How do people develop competence and even expertise across knowledge domains? This chapter introduces the goal of the book: to relate my journey toward the breadth as well as depth of competences required by work in a repair and metal fabrication shop.

As Mackiewicz points out, workplace studies — and certainly workplace writing studies — have tended to focus on white-collar work. But people also learn, communicate, and write in the trades. Unfortunately, very few workplace writing studies focus on the trades (I can think of just three off the top of my head, including this one). But this is real work, using real communication practices, involving real learning with real consequences. So I’m really glad to see this book.

The book is an autoethnography. That is, Mackiewicz describes her own experience joining a culture and community by joining a fabrication shop as a part-time welder. (Her previous book, which I haven’t read, describes learning how to weld in trade school.) By reflecting on her own experiences and connecting them to the literature of situated practice and communities of practice, Mackiewicz helps us to understand on-the-job learning practices at this shop. Different chapters examine the learning context, practicing, mistakes, health and safety, tech drawings and shop genres, and how gender affects engaging in the learning community. Throughout, Mackiewicz draws on many, many stories — both her own and those of others she interviewed — to make her points. 

Through this work, I gained a better understanding of what it means to be a welder, to learn to solve problems like a welder, and to apply learning abductively to different challenges. The fabrication shop involved wildly different problems and constraints, so constant problem-solving and expertise pooling are paramount. Consequently, regular routines and fixed procedures take a back seat to improvisation. 

So I think the book is a real contribution. But it does have drawbacks as well.

The first is, I think, inherent to autoethnographies. Autoethnography is a tough genre because the writer is a sort of stand-in for a broader set of people who enter into the learning community. It’s easy for an autoethnographer to slip into “me-search,” i.e., just talking about their own experiences as if they are inherently interesting, making themselves the main character. To her credit, Mackiewicz doesn’t fall into this trap. But she avoids it by instead making the hero the shop owner, Jim Howe (she uses the owner’s real name and real shop name throughout). This is an understandable move, but it puts her in the position of not being able to critique shop practices in a thoroughgoing way. Consequently, she spends a lot of time talking about her own mistakes, which she owns, and how Howe patiently corrects them. Reading her account, however, I perceive a different story: Howe is a good man and a skilled welder, but not necessarily a skilled supervisor, instructor, or business owner. In many cases, Mackiewicz decides to try completing a job without bothering Howe for guidance, then makes mistakes, then is grateful for Howe’s patient correction. After the third or fourth such story, I started to think more about the community of practice (CoP) Howe had set up, one in which all of his welders (not just Mackiewicz) were reluctant to bother him with requests for guidance. This CoP yields more unclear tasks, more mistakes, more work and materials in remediating these mistakes. Did it result in better learning? Or did it result in more uncertainty and set welders into a dynamic in which they had to own any mistakes, but attribute any successes to Howe and his training? I wanted to see a more textured treatment of the CoP, but since Howe’s real name was used, I don’t think that more textured treatment would be possible in print — it would be potentially damaging and certainly ungracious to Mackiewicz’ host. Caught in this trap, the book ends up shying away from a more insightful diagnosis of the shop — or at least that’s my reading. 

The second drawback is a story problem. Qualitative research write-ups, and especially ethnographies and autoethnographies, are typically stories. But those stories have to coordinate two story lines: What happened and what it meant. Here, Mackiewicz prioritizes what happened: She selects specific topics (e.g., the learning context, practicing, mistakes, health and safety, tech drawings and shop genres, and how gender affects engaging in the learning community), makes them the chapters, then tells stories within each topic, applying theory as she goes — which localizes what it meant to each chapter. The result is fragmentary, making theory local to each chapter; we get a series of drive-by citations to theory rather than an overarching theoretical story with broader development that we can apply to other cases in the trades. Typically such studies have an early chapter that lays out the theoretical framework so we can understand how each chapter contributes to this overall theory story, with a conclusion that pulls everything together; here, we don’t get the early chapter, and the conclusion summarizes rather than providing a unified framework. So, in the end, the book felt episodic rather than like a complete story. 

I’ve spent some time on what I think are the book’s drawbacks because as I read it, I was trying to articulate what it was missing. But those drawbacks should not obscure what the book achieves: a rare study of learning in the trades, a study with a great deal of lived detail. If you’re interested in how people learn in communities of practice, and especially in the trades, and even more especially with a writing focus, you should definitely pick up this book.